Researcher of the Month October: Bethan Oake
Bethan Oake is a PhD student in the Centre for Religion and Public Life, in the School of Philosophy, Religion and History of Science, at the University of Leeds. In this interview, she tells about her current research at contemporary conspiracy rhetoric and its propagation of Occult moral panic.
Tell us a little about your ‘research journey’ – how did you get to where you are right now?
My research journey so far has started and stayed at the University of Leeds! I started my BA there in 2014 with an interest in researching contemporary engagement with Occultism. In particular, I was interested in looking into how interconnected Occult communities had developed online, and were attracting new generations of practitioners, outside of any particular tradition or order. My dissertation research in part centred on how contemporary Pagans’ attitudes towards hexing had adapted in response to outside moral panics around the Occult. During my MA, I recognised that my research interests were more broadly in the ‘cultic milieu’ of religious studies – beliefs, practices and identities that see themselves in some way as on the edge of, or subversive to, ‘mainstream’ religion or belief. My MA dissertation focused on nonreligious identities, specifically individuals who identified as ‘spiritual but not religious’ and who engaged in holistic practices. My PhD then in some way I think connected these interests together - I’m currently looking into contemporary conspiracy rhetoric and its propagation of Occult moral panic.
Who, or what, sparked your interest to work on your particular research area?
I grew up in the early 2000s at a time where younger Occult practitioners were increasingly turning away from organised traditions and instead engaging with magic in new and diverse ways that were more easily accessible to them – often online. This first got me interested in researching online Occulture. My interest in my current project came from my work in nursing care, specifically during the pandemic where I worked on a Covid ward. There had been a huge surge in concerning conspiracy rhetoric surrounding the pandemic, which I found was extremely prevalent – not only with patients and their relatives, but with some staff too – despite them witnessing the very real effects of the pandemic first hand. I was surprised at how much these conspiracy theories seemed to combine medical misinformation with religious demonisation myths, appearing to view mainstream medical authorities as ‘demonic’ or ‘Satanic’. This, combined with the rise of QAnon and the storming of the US capitol building that occurred in 2021, led me to want to research the extent to which we may be witnessing a revival of ‘Satanic Panic’.
What are you currently, or about to start, working on?
My PhD research is a critical discourse analysis of ‘Satanic Cult Conspiracy’ rhetoric online: a conspiracy belief that claims the existence of secret, evil, Satanic cults who ritualistically abuse children. It has ebbed and flowed out of popularity for centuries, however is most known today for the 60s-90s phenomenon known as ‘The Satanic Panic’ which saw a widespread moral panic around Satanic cults enter mainstream discourse, resulting in multiple convictions of individuals accused of Satanic crimes. No evidence was found for any of the allegations made during The Panic, and the entire conspiracy has been long declared to be a hoax. However, it has returned yet again in the last 10 years – fuelled largely by the prominence of the QAnon movement in the US who support its claims. My research focuses on how its rhetoric is communicated today across public online platforms and forums, particularly how it integrates itself within external moral panics and various political and social communities, and the implications then for its potential future influence on public social attitudes.
In what way(s) do you feel your research examines the role of religion in public life and the relationship between the two?
There’s sometimes a misconception that the ‘online’ is separate from ‘real life’, or that online communities somehow serve less of a public impact than those in-person. The surge of conspiracy rhetoric online has however clearly paralleled with significant effects on public life – such as during the pandemic, where online medical misinformation heavily influenced a public scepticism of vaccines. At its most extreme, it introduced individuals to a worldview in complete denial of the validity of mainstream science or healthcare, as well as which integrated medical conspiracy within far more extreme conspiracy narratives. Satanic demonisation myths have frequently been weaponised against Jewish and LGBT communities; most recently, we can see its influence within the concerning rise of anti-trans ‘movements’ across the UK and US. Analysing Satanic conspiracy’s tendency to latch itself on to (often extremist) existing public discourse narratives and moral panics is a key aim of my research.
Beyond this, it explores how religious narratives can appeal to individuals with a variety of worldviews, which in itself has a profound effect on public discourse. Satanic cult conspiracy intertwines Fundamental Protestant belief in the imminent battle between God and Satan with secular conspiracy narratives concerned with hidden elite societies. It has also found a home within ‘conspirituality’ networks, which draw upon ‘new age’ theories regarding the awakening of humanity. For this reason, it can be contrived and interpreted for a variety of public audiences with varying motivations. During The Satanic Panic, its success primarily lay in its ability to integrate within multiple facets of public life – gaining support from social workers, the police force, medical professionals, and the legal system. Despite seeming at first glance something that might be a ‘fringe’ religious conspiracy narrative, Satanic cult conspiracy has consistently demonstrated its ability to appeal to many and impact public life in a variety of ,often very detrimental, ways.